Category Archives: Other writings

Story of Love, Reconciliation, and Healing – Preemptive Love Coalition

I “liked” Preemptive Love Facebook page after I watched its founder’s – Jeremy Courtney’s – heartwarming, optimistic TED talk at TEDxBaghdad2011. Every now and then PLC Facebook page would post personalized photo-stories about their patients with blogs entries talking about things range from meeting the patient to after-surgery celebration. I came across a photo-story today about love, hope, and kindness in their finest and purest forms (pictures below, or can be viewed here.) Because we hear about suffering, disasters, misery all the time, it aches me to say that sometimes people’s pain becomes mere background noise. Not for the Courtneys.

Beautiful Nivar

Jeremy walked the extra mile to change the sad, sick, helpless realities of Iraqi kids. “Dissatisfied with mere sympathy, Jeremy started looking for solutions,” to alleviate some of the suffering in Iraq. After their visit to Iraq in 2006, the Courtneys decided to “love and serve the poor” and starting PLC. (Here’s a little bit of a bio about them here.)

Nivar’s echocardiogram

Anyways, today as I was going through my usual, religious duty of Facebook-ing, I came across a touching photo-story about Nivar – the girl with congenital heart defect. Iraqi Nivar was transported to Istanbul for a much-needed heart surgery to fix her Tetralogy of Fallot that is most debilitating and potentially life-threatening, thanks to Preemptive Love Coalition staff and surgeons. I initially had a gut-wrenching feeling about Nivar but as I read her story, and scrolled through her photos, I was filled with feelings of optimism, love, and hope. Why PLCers do it? It’s because “we work because we love, and we hope that love can be shared with everyone who donates to a child.”

Nivar Prepped & Ready For Surgery

Read one of PLC’s staffs experiences in Nivar’s home before she was given surgery.

Nivar made it through surgery!

I strongly urge you to donate to help PLC taking on more cases. Or simply, talk about PLC’s work. Bring to people’s attention the plight of Iraqi kids.

Click to go to [PLC] blog and read about our excitement when Nivar made it out of surgery with total correction!

More pictures and short photo-stories can be found PLC Facebook page.

PLC twitter page: @preemptivelove
Looking for summer internships with PLC click here.

Video: Four Iraqi Children Arrive in Istanbul for Lifesaving Heart Surgery

Taken from Preemptive Love Coalition website:

Please donate, help, or simply share/talk about PLC. You might be the cause of saving some kid’s life.

Fuss Over Section 4 Overruling?

So, I’m genuinely confused about the fuss over Section 4 overruling by the Supreme Court. I’d like to know how would this piece of legislation disproportionately disfranchise some? I’m well aware that there are clear as the sun cases where people are still fighting for their right to vote (which can be addressed on the state level, I suppose); but in the grand scheme of things I feel like we are segregating, tailoring laws to address challenges faced in the last century and abused today by politicians.

The important question, I think, is will the repercussions be as dramatic as those portrayed in the media? While I understand why we may be hesitant and distrustful of talking about race, identity, and privilege, but I think we need to be more comfortable addressing these questions and thinking about them critically.

Regardless, I did my homework about the topic and I concluded the following:

1) The legislation was introduced in 1965 for obvious reasons and was one of great many achievements brought by the civil rights movement;
2) The law – Sec. 4 and 5 specifically – does not reflect contemporary data and trends. Our demographics, etc. have considerably changed;
3) It is imperative that republicans and Tea Party-ers predominately support the legislation (and argue for smaller government intervention), while Democrats are divided between actively opposing it vs. remaining quite;
4) I still do not understand what prompted this law to be re-examined after it was ratified by the House, the Senate, the President, and ultimately the people. Maybe the recent election? Polarization of the political system?

Comments are free! I’m always eager to learn something new.

How We Lost the Syrian Revolution [Al-Monitor Article]

DisclaimerI have not written or contributed to this somber yet heartwarming Al-Monitor article from May 28, 2013 about the prospects of the Syrian uprising. I’m sharing it here for it provides substance and valuable insight into the underpinnings of the crisis.


Forces loyal to Syria’s President Bashar al-Assad carry their weapons as they move during what they said was an operation to push rebels from the road between Dahra Abd Rabbo village and Castello, in Aleppo, May 27, 2013. (photo by REUTERS/George Ourfalian)

By: Edward Dark

So what went wrong? Or to be more accurate, where did we go wrong? How did a once inspirational and noble popular uprising calling for freedom and basic human rights degenerate into an orgy of bloodthirsty sectarian violence, with depravity unfit for even animals? Was it inevitable and wholly unavoidable, or did it not have to be this way?

The simple answer to the above question is the miscalculation (or was it planned?) of Syrians taking up arms against their regime, a ruthless military dictatorship held together by nepotism and clan and sectarian loyalties for 40 years of absolute power. Former US ambassador to Syria Robert Ford specifically warned about this in his infamous visit to Hama in the summer of 2011 just as the city was in the grip of massive anti-regime protests and before it was stormed by the Syrian army. That warning fell on deaf ears, whether by design or accident, and we have only ourselves to blame. Western and global inaction or not, we are solely responsible for our broken nation at the end of the day.

Nietzsche once said, “Whoever fights monsters should see to it that in the process he does not become a monster.” That has proved to be very prophetic in the Syrian scenario. Away from all the agendas, whitewashing, propaganda, and outright lies of the global media stations, what we saw on the ground when the rebel fighters entered Aleppo was a far different reality. It hit home hard. It was a shock, especially to those of us who had supported and believed in the uprising all along. It was the ultimate betrayal.

To us, a rebel fighting against tyranny doesn’t commit the same sort of crimes as the regime he’s supposed to be fighting against. He doesn’t loot the homes, businesses and communities of the people he’s supposed to be fighting for. Yet, as the weeks went by in Aleppo, it became increasingly clear that this was exactly what was happening.

Rebels would systematically loot the neighborhoods they entered. They had very little regard for the lives and property of the people, and would even kidnap for ransom and execute anyone they pleased with little recourse to any form of judicial process. They would deliberately vandalize and destroy ancient and historical landmarks and icons of the city. They would strip factories and industrial zones bare, even down to the electrical wiring, hauling their loot of expensive industrial machinery and infrastructure off across the border to Turkey to be sold at a fraction of its price. Shopping malls were emptied, warehouses, too. They stole the grain in storage silos, creating a crisis and a sharp rise in staple food costs. They would incessantly shell residential civilian neighborhoods under regime control with mortars, rocket fire and car bombs, causing death and injury to countless innocent people, their snipers routinely killing in cold blood unsuspecting passersby. As a consequence, tens of thousands became destitute and homeless in this once bustling, thriving and rich commercial metropolis.

But why was this so? Why were they doing it? It became apparent soon enough, that it was simply a case of us versus them. They were the underprivileged rural class who took up arms and stormed the city, and they were out for revenge against the perceived injustices of years past. Their motivation wasn’t like ours, it was not to seek freedom, democracy or justice for the entire nation, it was simply unbridled hatred and vengeance for themselves.

Extremist and sectarian in nature, they made no secret that they thought us city folk in Aleppo, all of us, regime stooges and sympathizers, and that our lives and property were forfeit as far as they were concerned. Rebel profiteer warlords soon became household names, their penchant for looting and spreading terror among the populace inducing far more bitterness and bile than what was felt against the regime and its forces. Add to that terrible fray, the extremist Islamists and their open association with Al-Qaeda and their horrific plans for the future of our nation, and you can guess what the atmosphere over here felt like: a stifling primordial fear, a mixture of terror and despair.

So who was “us,” and why did we feel that we were any different or better? Well, by “us” I mean, and at the risk of sounding rather elitist, the civil grassroots opposition movement in Aleppo, who for months were organizing peaceful protests and handing out aid at considerable danger and risk to our own lives. “We” truly believed in the higher ideals of social and political change, and tried to emulate them. We tried to model ourselves on the civil rights movement of the US in the 1960s, Mandela’s struggle against apartheid, and the teachings of Gandhi: precisely what similar civil movements in other Arab Spring countries such as Tunisia and Egypt had done before.

For “us,” a revolution was a slow, deliberate and committed struggle for change. Like water drops repeatedly beating down on a boulder, eventually we would break it. But for “them,” well, their idea of change was throwing a ton of TNT at that boulder and having it, and everything around it, blown to smithereens. “We,” well, we mostly came from the educated urban middle class of the city. We came from all walks of life, all sects and all areas, and we didn’t care.

We never asked where that guy or girl was from or what they worshiped. Each one of us gave and contributed what we could, in the capacity we could. The leader of our group was a young Christian lawyer, a very active and dedicated young woman. The rest of the volunteers in our group were a microcosm of Syrian society; veiled girls, Shiite boys, rich kids and poor working class all working together for ideals we strongly shared and believed in.

Over the course of our activist work, some of our group were jailed and injured, one was even killed. That is why it never hit home so hard, and never have I felt as sad as when, shortly after Aleppo was raided by the rebels, I received messages from some of those people I used to work with. One said, “How could we have been so stupid? We were betrayed!” and another said, “Tell your children someday that we once had a beautiful country, but we destroyed it because of our ignorance and hatred.”

It was around about that time that I gave up on the revolution, such as it had become, and saw that the only way to Syria’s salvation was through reconciliation and a renunciation of violence. Many felt this way, too. Unfortunately, that is not a view shared by the warmongers and power brokers who still think that more Syrian blood should be spilled to appease the insatiable appetites of their sordid aspirations.

Even as activists, intellectuals, businessmen, doctors and skilled professionals fled the city in droves, others remained and still tried to organize civil action in the form of providing aid and relief work to the countless thousands of families that were now internally displaced inside their own city in desperate conditions. But it was clear that it was becoming futile. Everything had changed; it would never be the same again.

This is what it has come down to in Syria: It’s us versus them everywhere you go. Opposition versus regime, secular versus Islamist, Sunni versus Shiite, peaceful versus armed, city versus rural, and in all of that cacophony the voice of reason is sure to be drowned out. Whatever is left of Syria at the end will be carved out between the wolves and vultures that fought over its bleeding and dying corpse, leaving us, the Syrian people to pick up the shattered pieces of our nation and our futures.

Do we have recourse to blame anyone but ourselves for this? Was this our destiny, or the cruel machinations of evil men? Perhaps a future generation of Syrians will be able to answer that question.

Edward Dark is a pseudonym for a Syrian currently residing in Aleppo. He tweets at @edwardedark.

Read more:

أيضيع العراق بين خامنئية شيعية وصدامية سنية؟


أرجو من جميع من تصله هذه الرسالة اعادة ارسالها ليقرأها الجميع لانها بالفعل تمثل خارطة طريق لمن يحبالعراق ويحاول ان يعيد بناءه

أيضيع العراق بين خامنئية شيعية وصدامية سنية؟

مشكلتنا أننا سنة وشيعة… مشكلتنا أن هناك قلوبا لا تنبض إلا شيعيا، وأخرى لا تنبض إلا سنيا. 

مشكلتنا أن هناك عقولا لا تفكر إلا سنيا، وأخرى لا تفكر إلا شيعيا… مشكلتنا أن هناك من يريد عراقا شيعيا، وآخرون يريدون عراقا سنيا. سيسألني الشيعي: أتريدني أن أتخلى عن كوني شيعيا؟ كما سيسألني السني: أتريدني أن أتخلى عن أكون سنيا؟ لو كان سؤال كل منهم على نحو الاستشارة مع الاستعداد على الاستجابة لمشورتي، لقلت نعم، كفاكم تمسكا بهويتَيكم الشيعية أو السنية.! 

ولكن لكون هذا يمثل مطلبا وأمنية غير واقعيين، ولكوننا كعلمانيين ديمقراطيين نؤمن بالحرية، نحترم قناعات الناس وعقائدهم، نقول لهم: كن يا أخي السني سنيا، وكن يا أخي الشيعي شيعيا، لكن يا أخي الشيعي كن شيعيا في بيتك، في حسينيتك، وفي مرقد إمامك، وكن يا أخي السني سنيا في بيتك، في مسجدك، في ضريح وليّك، ولكن رجاءً رجاءً، لعيون العراق، اتركا بالله عليكما هويتكما المذهبية في البيت، واخرجا إلى الشارع، إلى المجتمع، إلى الحياة العامة، إلى الوظيفة، إلى المعمل، إلى الحقل، إلى البرلمان، إلى الحياة بلا بصمة شيعية، وبصمة سنية. 

عندها فقط سننعم بالسلام، والأمان، وستسود المحبة والاحترام المتبادل حياتنا الاجتماعية.

هل هذا مطلب مستحيل؟ لو رأيتَ – كرجل – امرأة جميلة جذابة المنظر، ولو رأيتِ – كامرأة – رجلا وسيما جذاب المنظر، هل ستفكران ما إذا كانت هذه المرأة الجميلة، أو ذلك الرجل الوسيم شيعيين أو سنيين، مسلمين أو مسيحيين، عربيين أو كرديين؟

لو استمعت لمحاضرة علمية مفيدة في مجال اختصاصها، من محاضِرٍ يتمتع بالعلم والاختصاص، فهل يهمك أن يكون شيعيا، أو سنيا، أو مسلما، أو ملحدا؟

لو كان مُدرِّس الرياضيات في مدرستك أيها الطالب وأيتها الطالبة قد نجح في مساعدتك لأول مرة في استيعاب مادة الرياضيات، التي كنت تلاقي صعوبة في استيعابها، هل ستسأل بالله عليك، أسني هو أم شيعي، أو مدريشنهي؟

لو رأيت لاعبا في مباراة لكرة القدم، انبهرت بمهارته، وقدرته على الحركة السريعة والمدروسة والأنيقة بالكرة، وبين اللاعبين، وعلى التهديف المتتالي، أستصفق له بعدما تعرف لأي طائفة ينتمي؟ 

لو رأيت أطفالا يلعبون ويمرحون، وأسعدك وأسرّك منظرهم، لما فيه من جمال، وبراءة، ومرح طفولي، أستسأل عما إذا كانوا من أسر سنية، أو شيعية، أو صابئية، أو مسيحية؟ 

لو كنت تتذوق الفن ورأيت لوحة تشكيلية رائعة، أعجبتك، وأبهرتك، وسحرتك، أسيكون موقفك من اللوحة مختلفا أيها الشيعي، لو علمت أن مبدعها سني، أو أيها السني لو علمت أنه شيعي، أو أيها المسلم أن مبدعها إيزيدي أو لا ديني؟ 

لو رأيت عمارة ذات فن معماري رائع واستثنائي، أيهمك عندما يسحرك جمال الإبداع المعماري فيها، أن يكون مصممها شيعيا، أو سنيا، أو مسيحيا، أو يهوديا؟

تماما هكذا هي السياسة.. ما معنى أن يهمني في تحديد موقفي من السياسي، أن أعرف انتسابه لطائفتي أو للطائفة الأخرى.

لكن مشكلتنا ليست في المواطن وحسب، وهي فيه بلا شك، لكن ليست حصرا، كما ليست في السياسي فحسب، وهي فيه بلا شك، فعندما يفكر السياسي سنيا عندما يكون سنيا، ويفكر شيعيا عندما يكون شيعيا، وهكذا عندما يحدد موقفه من أي قضية، ويحدد انتماءه، وولاءه، ومعارضته، وسكوته أو اعتراضه على أي من تدخلات الدول الإقليمية، عندما يحدد كل ذلك، في ضوء شيعيته أو سنيته،؟ 

كيف ننتظر منه أن يبني وطنا؟ لأن السني سيريد أن يبني وطنا سنيا، لأن خارطته التي رسمها للوطن خارطة سنية، والشيعي سيريد أن يبني وطنا شيعيا، لأن خارطته التي رسمها للوطن خارطة شيعية.

لماذا لا يستنكر الشيعي قبل السني : التدخل الإيراني المُضِرّ، والفضّ، والوقِح، والمخرِّب؟ ولماذا لا يستنكر السني قبل الشيعي : التدخل التركي-القطري-السعودي المُضِرّ، والفضّ، والوقِح، والمخرِّب؟

أوطنيٌّ من ينبض قلبه بالولاء.. لخامنئي؟ وأوطنيٌّ من ينبض قلبه بالولاء للقادة السعوديين والقطريين والأتراك، أو أن يرف حنينا لعهد صدام !؟ 

أوطنيٌّ ذلك الشيعي عندما يبرئ الخميني من كوارث حرب الثماني سنوات، ويعلم أنه هو الذي أصر على مواصلة الحرب من السنة الثالثة ولست سنوات، رغم استعداد صدام لوقفها بلا شرط !؟ 

أو أوطنيٌّ ذلك السني عندما يبرئ صدام من كوارث حرب الثماني سنوات مع ايران وحرب الكويت، وهو يعلم أنه هو الذي بدأهما برعونته، ويحن لعهد صدام، رغم المقابر الجماعية وحلبجة والأنفال والدجيل وغيرها؟

السنة الوطنيون والعقلاء براء من كل ذلك، كما الشيعة الوطنيون والعقلاء براء مما ذكرنا. 

لكن لماذا يعمم الشيعي تهمة البعث والإرهاب والتكفير على السنة ؟ ولماذا يعمم السني تهمة العمالة لإيران على الشيعة ؟

ثم إذا أصررتم على أن تكونوا مواطنين سنة، ومواطنين شيعة، وأن تكونوا مواطنين عربا، ومواطنين كردا، قبل أن تكونوا عراقيين، فأخبرونا بالله عليكم : أين مكاننا نحن اللامذهبيون، اللاسنيون، واللاشيعيون، في هذا الوطن ؟ أين مكان المسيحيون المسالمون، والصابئة الخائفون، والإيزيدية المكفَّرون،!

وأين مكان من ليس له علاقة بأيٍّ من ذلك في هذا الوطن !؟ 

أم تريدون أن نرى أشلاء وطن، هنا شِلوة شيعية، وهناك شِلوة سنية، وأخرى كردية، وجزء آخر (مُختلَط) تتناوشه المخالب، كل يريد ضمه إلى هذه الشُّلَيْوة أو تلك؟

تبقى مشكلتنا أنّا شيعة، وتبقى مشكلتنا أنّا سنة !!!.


ضياء الشكرجي

ضياء الشكرجي

Should I forgive an Iraq war veteran?

Forgiveness, Forgetting, and Conceding Atrocities

Ethics was one of the areas I explored in a religious worldviews class I took couple years ago. Among other things assigned for class, we read a book which explored ethics in religion. Specifically, the book, The Sunflower by Simon Wiesenthal, poses a question as to whether it is permitted to refuse forgiveness to a sincerely repentant malefactor. The story takes place in a concentration camp, where the author, Wiesenthal, was called by a dying Nazi soldier, Karl, to ask him for forgiveness for his crimes against Jews. Wiesenthal refused to grant Karl forgiveness by simply leaving him without saying a word. Later, remorse swept him; he questioned his decision from a religious as well as moral standpoints. Wiesenthal’s encounter with Karl sets up a parallel with an encounter I had with two American soldiers- Iraq vets. The book made me re-think my response to them, and revisit my moral guidelines.

I had a reunion gathering in New York City with friends from Iraq. An organization called Veterans’ Sanctuary visited us with two Iraq war veterans, who returned from Baghdad few months earlier. They wanted to share their experience in Baghdad in attempts to redeem for atrocities of war and ask forgiveness. The soldiers described how their respective units patrolled the streets of my city Baghdad, walked in houses and searched for alleged weapons, killed and tortured insurgents as well as civilians. They described how they could not differentiate between combatants and civilians because “Everybody is a target in times of war,” as one of them explained.

The soldiers sought forgiveness from my friends and I for their crimes against Iraqis during the 2003 war. They were talking about Baghdad by the time my friends and I arrived the interfaith organization. I voluntarily, yet anxiously, headed towards them to listen to what they had to say. “I was at a patrol one night,” Sergeant Mike talked about one of his patrol nights in Hay Al-Jamia’a neighborhood, where I used to live. He was on a mission to capture insurgents, “… I covered his head with a black plastic bag. I had to drag him to the Humvee, right in front of his children and family,” the Sergeant continued. I could literally visualize the incident for I had lived through similar incidents before. Standing there listening to him awakened feelings of anger, hatred, and repugnance. At that point, I could not listen to him anymore and I left immediately. I, later, asked the Veterans’ Sanctuary to leave the organization- the place where we were having a reunion. That night I could not sleep, and when I finally did, I had nightmares.

Nightmares of burning flesh and blood had haunted me for several weeks after the incident. This several-minute talk brought back many somber memories of the war. My home and country have been stolen from me, and the person who was in front of me contributed to this fact. I asked him to leave. That decision was not of consensus among my friends. Few of my friends contested, but the majority joined my camp.

This situation may not be identical to Wiesenthal and Karl’s, nonetheless is similar. According to The Sunflower, Simon was asked to listen to Karl’s story, “…I followed the Red Cross nurse into the building, in accordance with her instructions” (p. 23). I, on the other hand, willingly listened to Mike talking about his experience in Baghdad. While Simon was in a concentration camp, waiting for the day to be executed, I was home with my family and extended family, waiting for the moment a bomb “misses its target” and falls on us. Every day, we were expecting soldiers like Mike to break in and arrest my father, uncle, or even me; everyday we were expecting soldiers like Mike to break in and rape my mother, aunt or cousin. Baghdad on April of 2003 was, to a considerable extent, a large concentration camp: bombs were falling on military facilities as well as civilian neighborhoods and shrapnel were cutting bodies and ruining houses, cars, etc. indiscriminately. Nobody could leave the country because everything in motion was a target.

The aftermath has been even more deadly due to the security vacuum generated following the occupation. Long years of sectarian strife and armed militia killing, robbing, vandalizing whatever was on its way, were among many other reasons why I had to flee the country. I was living in Wiesenthal’s concentration camp! My education was suspended because in time of war nobody goes to school. I lost one year of my life due to the occupation. I lost family members, just like Wiesenthal. Those, among others, were the main reasons I left Mike and later asked him to leave. I could not listen to him given the fact that he expected forgiveness. I could not grant forgiveness to someone who made my people, family, and I live through hell every day of the four-week shock and awe campaign, and to a lesser extent, the aftermath hell. Forgiving him will neither bring my family members back nor it will rebuild my beloved country. While I very much do appreciate his sense of responsibility and accountability, but at the same, reserve the right to not forgive him.

Another reason why I did not forgive him was that my people back home who are still suffering from the aftermath would be ashamed of me. Forgiving him on behalf of those who died defending Iraq would be betraying them and bargaining their blood. Apart from that, I’m in no position to act as a religious figure or public representative of a ~27-million Iraqis who may or may not agree with my decision. Moreover, forgiving the sergeant may mean acknowledging the crimes and knowing that he will never be punished for them. I could not live with such a burden. Furthermore, if the two soldiers, or others, are sincerely repentant, then it is not my job to grant them forgiveness. It is God’s (if you believe in one), who will embrace them in his mercy. It is Him who they should seek forgiveness not their victims. I, by all means, still appreciate them as human beings and forgiving them is irrelevant to this fact.

I might share some of the biases that influenced Wiesenthal’s decision not to forgive Karl. Biases such as living in a war zone, knowing who is your perpetrator, and talking bluntly about bargaining the lives my people with alleviating the sufferings of one soldier. Cultural and ethnic cleansing cause so much pain especially when they are done indiscriminately and systematically. Similar to Wiesenthal, this incident still haunts me. I find myself asking the question of whether or not I did the right thing. At the end of the day, I treat people with my moral code not theirs, did I do the right thing?

Starting a Political Club at DePaul University, Chicago


To whom it may concern,


A new political club is about to commence. The club will be discussing the Middle East politics, and the United States Foreign Policy. There are executive board positions that have not been filled yet, if you are interested. If you do not want to be on the executive board, but are still interested in the club topics, then continue reading the next part of the email – contact information. There will be information on how to get involved and when and where the meetings will be held. The club has not started yet.

Contact Information

If you are interested in knowing more about the club or joining it, feel absolutely free to contact me at my cell or email or just come see me at my room.

Mustafa Basree

University Hall

3rd Floor, Room 311


The Schedule & Topics Discussed

The club will, ideally, meet on a weekly basis. Each bi-week the club will be themed with a country in the Middle East, which is voted on by the members of the club. For the chosen country, a brief presentation will be made by either the club, or its members. Also, it will briefly cover the current news, allocate room for debates, and provide a space for people to share their visions/interpretations/predictions of the past/current/future events and their implications on the concerned country, the region, and/or the world. In addition to that, the club will attempt to bring in speakers that will help shed some light on specific topics. Similar to choosing a Middle Eastern state, the speakers are nominated by the members of the club. All efforts will be made in terms of having the guest speakers at our club.

Background Information

America has emerged as a superpower by the end of the World War II and the beginning of the Cold War (1946-1991). This fact had brought with it a number of policies that shaped different countries and regions across the globe. From Uruguay, Panama, and China, to Iraq, Egypt and Libya, the US interventions have severely impacted the mentioned countries – among many, many others. The club will mainly be focusing on the Middle East region.

DePaul Community

DePaul’s clubs and organizations have been surveyed recently. The school doesn’t have a single club/group that is concerned with the United States Foreign Policies, and it goes without saying, the Middle East.

The Middle East is undergoing constant geopolitical transformations. There is a historical context to the conflicts, and more precisely to the transformations.